20世纪前半期的中国社会变迁(1900~1949)(5)
作者:佚名; 更新时间:2014-12-09
.0~66.6%的上等家庭属延伸家庭,47.6~71.0%的下等家庭属核心家庭。说明愈富有的家庭愈大,愈穷的家庭愈小。
此类家庭的比例,很可能代表传统社会的情形。但随着工业化与都市化的发展,延伸家庭逐渐减少,核心家庭逐渐增多。此种趋势,在台湾地区,到1960年代以后才显著。据1964年在台北市古亭区的调查,在1 712个家庭中,69.8%属于核心家庭,12.6%属于主干家庭,0.6%属于延伸家庭。[34](p92)不过,核心家庭的比例,在乡区可能较市区为低。据1971年在台中县农村所调查的360个家庭中,50%属于核心家庭,38%属于主干家庭,7%属于延伸家庭,5%未分类。[35](p279)
七 结论
自清末以后,工业化是关心中国富强的人所共同努力的目标。因此,随着中国的经济发展,便逐渐由农业转向工业。工业化的要求以及工业化的本身,对中国社会产生很大的影响。其一,推动工业化需要新的知识与技术,因此中国自1900年代开始建立新学制、废除科举制。此后新知识分子和技术人员即取代了士绅的地位。其二,工、矿、商业、运输、银行及其他企业的发展,使工商阶层兴起,不仅成为中国经济发展的主要推动者,且对政治的影响力日增。其三,工业化使许多人从农业生产部门转到工业生产部门,改善了人民的生活水准。而由于许多工业生产部门都集中在都市地区,工业化也带来了都市社会,此都市社会,与传统的农村社会截然不同。其四,工业化和都市化,使个人与小家庭自大家庭和乡土游离而出,使小家庭增多,使人与乡土、大家庭的关系转为淡薄,个人主义逐渐滋长。上述的变迁,以台湾地区为例,到1960年代以后显著。
参考文献:
[1] Ruth A, Wallace and Alison Wolf, eds. Contemporary Socio- logical Theory[M]. Englewood Cliffs, N. J. 1980.
[2] 费孝通.乡土中国[M].
[3] 国父全集:第五集[M].
[4] 国父全集:第二集[M].
[5] 赵丰田.晚清五十年经济思想史[M].
[6] R.H.Tawney. Land and Labor in China[M]. Boston,1966.
[7] Chen Han-seng. Landlord and Peasant in China[M]. Westport, Connect. 1936.
[8] Chang Yu-fa. China\’ s Agricultural Improvement, 1901~1916.. Regional Studies on Thirteen Provinces [A]. A Paper Presented at the Conference on Modern Chinese Economic History, August26~29, 1977 [C]. Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica, Taipei.
[9] Ts\’ui-jung Liu. The Problem of Food Supply in China,1912~1927[A].中华民国初期历史研讨会论文集[Z].
[10] 沈宗翰.中国农业科学化的初期[R].1975年12月17日在中央研究院讲演论文.
[11] 黄俊杰.沈宗翰先生年谱[M].台北,1981.
[12] 引见 Rhoad Murphey. The Treaty Ports and China\’s Modernization. [A].The Chinese City Between Two World.[M]. Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds.
[13] 汪敬虞.中国近代工业史资料:卷二[M].
[14] Albert Fewerwerker. China’s Nineteenth Century Industrialization[A]. The Economic Development of China and Japan[M]. C. D. Cown, ed.
[15] John K. Chang. Industrial Development in Pre-Communist China :A Quantitive Analysls[M].
[16] Rhoads Murphey. The Treaty Ports and China’s Modernization[M] Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[17] Albert Feuerwerker. Economic Trends in the Republic of China, 1912~1949[M].
[18] Y. C. Wang. Chinese Intellectuals and the West[M].
[19] Chung-li Chang. The Chinese Gentry[M].
[20] 第二次中国教育年鉴[M].
[21] Ping-ti Ho. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China[M].New York, 1962.
[22] S.A. M. Adshead. TheModernization of the Chinese Salt Administration,1900~1920[M] .Cambridge, Mass, 1970.
[23] Kuo-heng Shih. The Early Development of Modern Chinese Business Class[A]. Institue of Pacific Relations, ed. The Rise of the Modern Chinese Business Class[M] . New York,1949.
[24] Wellington K. K. Chan. Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch\’ing China [M]. Harvard University: The East Asian Research Center, 1977.
[25] Yen-ping Hao. The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China[M]. Cambridge, Mass,1971.
[26] 苏云峰:民初之商人[A].台湾中央研究院近代史研究所集刊:第11期.
[27] Shirley S. Garrett. The Chambers of Commerce and YMCA[A]. The Chinese City Between Two Worlds [M]. Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds.
[28] Chang Yu-fa. Modernization of China, 1860~1916: Regional Comparisons in Thirteen Provinces [A]. A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies[C]. Los Angeles , California, March 30~Aprial, 1979.
[29] Susan Mann Jones. The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[30] Irene B. Taenber. Migrants and Cities in Japan, Taiwan,and Northeast China[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[31] 王维林:自人口学观点看我国都市化社会[M].朱岑楼编:我国社会的变迁与发展[M].陈伯中:都市地理学EM].
[32] Mark Elvin. Introduction[A]. The Chinese City Between Two Worlds[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[33] Alden Speare, Jr.. Migration and Family Change in Central Taiwan[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[34] Chun-kit Joseph Wong. The Changing Chinese Family Pattern in Taiwan[M] . Taipei, 1981.
[35] 朱岑楼:中国家庭组织的演变[A].我国社会的变迁与发展[M].
[36] Ping-ti Ho. Studies on the Population of China, 1368~1953[M].
[37] Olga Lang, Chinese Family and Society [M]. New York,1968.
此类家庭的比例,很可能代表传统社会的情形。但随着工业化与都市化的发展,延伸家庭逐渐减少,核心家庭逐渐增多。此种趋势,在台湾地区,到1960年代以后才显著。据1964年在台北市古亭区的调查,在1 712个家庭中,69.8%属于核心家庭,12.6%属于主干家庭,0.6%属于延伸家庭。[34](p92)不过,核心家庭的比例,在乡区可能较市区为低。据1971年在台中县农村所调查的360个家庭中,50%属于核心家庭,38%属于主干家庭,7%属于延伸家庭,5%未分类。[35](p279)
七 结论
自清末以后,工业化是关心中国富强的人所共同努力的目标。因此,随着中国的经济发展,便逐渐由农业转向工业。工业化的要求以及工业化的本身,对中国社会产生很大的影响。其一,推动工业化需要新的知识与技术,因此中国自1900年代开始建立新学制、废除科举制。此后新知识分子和技术人员即取代了士绅的地位。其二,工、矿、商业、运输、银行及其他企业的发展,使工商阶层兴起,不仅成为中国经济发展的主要推动者,且对政治的影响力日增。其三,工业化使许多人从农业生产部门转到工业生产部门,改善了人民的生活水准。而由于许多工业生产部门都集中在都市地区,工业化也带来了都市社会,此都市社会,与传统的农村社会截然不同。其四,工业化和都市化,使个人与小家庭自大家庭和乡土游离而出,使小家庭增多,使人与乡土、大家庭的关系转为淡薄,个人主义逐渐滋长。上述的变迁,以台湾地区为例,到1960年代以后显著。
参考文献:
[1] Ruth A, Wallace and Alison Wolf, eds. Contemporary Socio- logical Theory[M]. Englewood Cliffs, N. J. 1980.
[2] 费孝通.乡土中国[M].
[3] 国父全集:第五集[M].
[4] 国父全集:第二集[M].
[5] 赵丰田.晚清五十年经济思想史[M].
[6] R.H.Tawney. Land and Labor in China[M]. Boston,1966.
[7] Chen Han-seng. Landlord and Peasant in China[M]. Westport, Connect. 1936.
[8] Chang Yu-fa. China\’ s Agricultural Improvement, 1901~1916.. Regional Studies on Thirteen Provinces [A]. A Paper Presented at the Conference on Modern Chinese Economic History, August26~29, 1977 [C]. Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica, Taipei.
[9] Ts\’ui-jung Liu. The Problem of Food Supply in China,1912~1927[A].中华民国初期历史研讨会论文集[Z].
[10] 沈宗翰.中国农业科学化的初期[R].1975年12月17日在中央研究院讲演论文.
[11] 黄俊杰.沈宗翰先生年谱[M].台北,1981.
[12] 引见 Rhoad Murphey. The Treaty Ports and China\’s Modernization. [A].The Chinese City Between Two World.[M]. Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds.
[13] 汪敬虞.中国近代工业史资料:卷二[M].
[14] Albert Fewerwerker. China’s Nineteenth Century Industrialization[A]. The Economic Development of China and Japan[M]. C. D. Cown, ed.
[15] John K. Chang. Industrial Development in Pre-Communist China :A Quantitive Analysls[M].
[16] Rhoads Murphey. The Treaty Ports and China’s Modernization[M] Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[17] Albert Feuerwerker. Economic Trends in the Republic of China, 1912~1949[M].
[18] Y. C. Wang. Chinese Intellectuals and the West[M].
[19] Chung-li Chang. The Chinese Gentry[M].
[20] 第二次中国教育年鉴[M].
[21] Ping-ti Ho. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China[M].New York, 1962.
[22] S.A. M. Adshead. TheModernization of the Chinese Salt Administration,1900~1920[M] .Cambridge, Mass, 1970.
[23] Kuo-heng Shih. The Early Development of Modern Chinese Business Class[A]. Institue of Pacific Relations, ed. The Rise of the Modern Chinese Business Class[M] . New York,1949.
[24] Wellington K. K. Chan. Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch\’ing China [M]. Harvard University: The East Asian Research Center, 1977.
[25] Yen-ping Hao. The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China[M]. Cambridge, Mass,1971.
[26] 苏云峰:民初之商人[A].台湾中央研究院近代史研究所集刊:第11期.
[27] Shirley S. Garrett. The Chambers of Commerce and YMCA[A]. The Chinese City Between Two Worlds [M]. Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds.
[28] Chang Yu-fa. Modernization of China, 1860~1916: Regional Comparisons in Thirteen Provinces [A]. A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies[C]. Los Angeles , California, March 30~Aprial, 1979.
[29] Susan Mann Jones. The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[30] Irene B. Taenber. Migrants and Cities in Japan, Taiwan,and Northeast China[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[31] 王维林:自人口学观点看我国都市化社会[M].朱岑楼编:我国社会的变迁与发展[M].陈伯中:都市地理学EM].
[32] Mark Elvin. Introduction[A]. The Chinese City Between Two Worlds[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[33] Alden Speare, Jr.. Migration and Family Change in Central Taiwan[M]. Elvin and Skinner, eds.
[34] Chun-kit Joseph Wong. The Changing Chinese Family Pattern in Taiwan[M] . Taipei, 1981.
[35] 朱岑楼:中国家庭组织的演变[A].我国社会的变迁与发展[M].
[36] Ping-ti Ho. Studies on the Population of China, 1368~1953[M].
[37] Olga Lang, Chinese Family and Society [M]. New York,1968.